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3 Morphology that meets the eye – evidence for two classes of adjectives in Chinese

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Morphology that meets the eye: Evidence for two classes of adjectives in Chinese | 175



Furthermore, none of the typologically oriented studies (cf. among others

Tang Sze-Wing 1998, Jimmy Lin 2004, Scott 2002b) ever takes reduplicated

adjectives into account, which does not prevent Tang Sze-Wing (1998) and

Jimmy Lin (2004) to make the far-reaching – and wrong – claim that adjectives

and stative verbs are to be conflated into one class in Chinese. Finally, the

monograph by Packard (2000) on morphology in Chinese mentions

reduplication of adjectives only in passing (p. 249).

As will be argued in the remainder of this section, adjectives are not only a

separate part of speech from (stative) verbs, but within the category of

adjectives, simple adjectives and reduplicated adjectives belong to two distinct

morphological classes, each of which is associated with a predictable set of

semantic and syntactic properties.



5.3.1 Reduplication as a morphological process

As is to be expected from a morphological process, adjectival reduplication is

sensitive to word-internal structure. Thus, while the general reduplication

pattern for a bisyllabic adjective noted as ‘AB’ is [A° AABB] (cf. [90]), it is

[A° ABAB] for ‘modifier – adjectival head’ compounds such as xuĕ-bái ‘snowwhite’= ‘as white as snow’ (cf. [91]):

AB => AABB:

(90)



a. piàoliang ‘pretty’ => piàopiàoliàngliàng

b. gāoxìng ‘happy’ => gāogāoxìngxìng

c. qīngchu ‘clear’

=> qīngqīngchǔchǔ32



AB =>ABAB:

(91)



a.

b.

c.

d.



xuě-bái ‘snow-white’ = ‘as white as snow’ =>xuěbáixuěbái

bǐ-zhí ‘brush-straight’ = ‘perfectly straight’ => bǐzhíbǐzhí

gǔn-rè ‘roll-hot’ = ‘scalding hot’

=> gǔnrègǔnrè

tōng-hóng ‘all-red’ = ‘red, scarlet’

=> tōnghóngtōnghóng33,34



||

32 As illustrated in (90a) and (90c), the lexical tone for -liang and -chu re-emerges in the reduplicated form, while in the simple form both are in the neutral tone, as indicated by the absence of a tone mark in the transliteration.

33 Recall from section 5.1.2 above that in the repetition of the verb, the second syllable is in

the neutral tone, hence [V ATB0] [V ATB0], and therefore different from the adjectival reduplica-



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176 | Adjectives: Another neglected category – which turns out to be two

Furthermore, reduplication is blocked in the cases of monomorphemic

disyllabic adjectives (cf. Tang Ting-chi 1997: 320). This holds both for ‘native’

adjectives (cf. [92]) and for phonetic borrowings from other languages (cf. [93]):

yǎotiǎo ‘graceful, gentle’ => *yǎoyǎotiǎotiǎo35

línglóng ‘exquisite’ => *línglínglónglóng

tángtū ‘brusque’ => *tángtángtūtū

miáotiao ‘slender’ => *miáomiáotiáotiáo



(92)



a.

b.

c.

d.



(93)



a. módēng ‘modern’ => *mómódēngdēng

b. yōumò ‘humourous’ *yōuyōumòmò



When an initially monomorphemic disyllabic adjective has been reanalysed as

consisting of two morphemes (backformation), reduplication is possible. Again,

backformation and the ensuing possibility of reduplication is available both for

‘native’ adjectives (cf. [94a]) and for phonetic borrowings (cf. [94b]):

(94)



a. hútu ‘confused, bewildered => húhútútú (cf. Lu Zhiwei 1975: 18)

b. làngmàn ‘romantic’ => lànglàngmànmàn

(a phonetic borrowing of romantic)



Besides the AABB and ABAB reduplication pattern, there exist patterns of

partial reduplication, associated with a special type of connotation. The pattern

‘AliAB’ always carries a negative connotation (cf. [96]), whereas the (total

reduplication) patterns ‘AA’ and ‘AABB’ can be associated with either a positive,

neutral, or negative connotation (cf. [95]):

||

tion here: [A ATBTATBT]. Furthermore, in the repetition of the verb, the first verb can be suffixed

with e.g. the perfective aspect-le, another difference with respect to the reduplication of

modifier-adjectival head compounds:

(i)

Zhèi ge wèntí , wǒmen yánjiū-le

yánjiū

this CL problem 1PL

study -PERF study

‘This problem, we have studied it a bit.’

34 Reduplicated adjectives are different from onomatopoeia, where the original form is

repeated as a whole, in general two to three times (cf. Chao Yuen Ren 1968: 210):

(i)

pūtōng, pūtōng (pūtōng ….) ‘splash, splash’

(ii)

dīngdāng, dīngdāng (dīngdāng….) ‘ding-dong’

(iii) dā dā (dā) ‘hammering, pounding sound’ (e.g. of a typewriter, machine guns etc.)

35 Naturally, the reduplication as [A° ABAB] is equally excluded for all of these disyllabic

monomorphemic adjectives (e.g. *[A° yăotiăoyăotiăo] ‘graceful’), because reserved for

adjectives with the word-internal structure ‘modifier head’.



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Morphology that meets the eye: Evidence for two classes of adjectives in Chinese | 177



(95)



a. luàn ‘chaotic’ => luànluàn ‘chaotic’ (but less so than luàn)

b. bái ‘white’ => báibái ‘(thorougly) white’

c. cháng ‘long’ => chángcháng ‘long’



(96)



a. hútu ‘confused, bewildered’ => húlihútu ‘muddle-headed’

(vs húhútútú ‘confused, bewildered’)

b. mǎhu ‘casual, careless’ => mǎlimǎhu ‘careless, sloppy’

(vs mǎmǎhǔhǔ ‘not bad, still ok’)



In the reduplication pattern ‘ABB’, ‘BB’ provides a metaphoric description of the

property denoted by the adjective (cf. Karl 1993: 287):

(97)



a. bái-huā-huā ‘white-flower-flower’ = ‘shining white’

b. bái-xuĕ-xuě ‘white-snow-snow’ = ‘as white as snow’



(98)



a. hēi-yóu-yóu ‘black-oil-oil’ = ‘jet-black, shiny black’

b. hēi-yā-yā ‘black-press-press’ = ‘dense, dark’

(said of e.g. people in a crowd)



The semantics associated with reduplication is hard to capture and even

more difficult to translate, which is the reason why it is not systematically

rendered in the examples provided here. For reasons of space, I only sketch very

briefly the interpretational effects of reduplication and for more extensive

discussion refer the reader to Yang-Drocourt (2008, 2013) and C.–S. Luther Liu

(2013) as well as the numerous references therein.

Adjectival reduplication mainly involves the speaker’s subjective

evaluation of the property expressed by the adjective. It does not have a

quantitative effect, i.e. it does not convey a high or maximum degree of a given

property; accordingly, it is not appropriate to translate a reduplicated adjective

by ‘very + adjective’. On the contrary, as pointed out by Zhu Dexi (1980 [1956]:

108), the most productive pattern of adjectival reduplication, i.e. ‘AA(BB)’

indicates that a property is exactly as it should be (qià dào hǎochu ‘appropriate

up.to good’ = ‘just right’). This connotation is neatly rendered by Chao (1968:

209) who translates (99) as ‘nice and high slits’ and adds that this is “a form of

description which one would not use if one did not approve of such dresses”.

(99)



gāogāo deSUB kèn

high

SUB slit

‘nice and high slits’



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178 | Adjectives: Another neglected category – which turns out to be two

Evidently, the characterization of the additional meaning conveyed by the

‘AABB’ reduplication as “exactly right” does not hold as such for adjectives

referring to negative properties as e.g. hútu ‘confused’ and húhútútú ‘confused,

bewildered’. What remains constant, though, is that when using the reduplicated form the speaker introduces a subjective component and describes the

property rather than merely refers to it.

Another important point is that adjectives referring to properties perceptible

to the senses such as pàng(pàngde) ‘fat’, tián(tiánde) ‘sweet’, xiāng(xiāngde)

‘fragrant’, ruǎn(ruǎnde) ‘soft’ are more likely to have a reduplicated form than

e.g. adjectives referring to mental states not readily discernible, such as tān

‘greedy’ (*tāntānde) and cōngmíng ‘intelligent’ (*cōngcōngmíngmíngde) (cf.

Tang Ting-chi 1988: 41 among others).

Finally, reduplicated adjectives are typical of the spoken language;

however, in the literature they are also used for rhetorical purposes or as a

means to create a personal style.



5.3.2 Derived adjectives as a distinct class

In order to obtain the full picture, another observation needs to be taken into

account, viz. the fact that modifier-head adjectival compounds such as xuě-bái

‘snow-white’ = ‘as white as snow’ in their non-reduplicated form pattern with

reduplicated, not with simple adjectives. As will emerge from the ensuing

discussion, this is in fact the expected result, given the syntactic and semantic

properties of modifier-head compounds.36 In the remainder of the section,

I therefore use the label derived adjectives for the class comprising reduplicated

adjectives (with total or partial reduplication) as well as modifier-head

compounds (reduplicated or not), in contrast to the class of simple adjectives.

In general, derived adjectives can function as modifiers and as predicates

on their own and never imply a comparison (cf. [107]–[109] below for the very

limited compatibility with degree adverbs). With the exception of modifier-head

adjectival compounds in their reduplicated form, they also allow for the

||

36 Chinese linguists (e.g. Zhu Dexi 1980 [1956]) have always subsumed reduplicated adjectives

and modifier-head adjectives (both in their non-reduplicated and reduplicated form) under the

same class of ‘complex forms’, without however giving an explicit motivation for this at first

sight surprising classification. Cf. Paul (2006) for demonstrating that it is the unacceptability in

the de-less modification structure of reduplicated and modifier-head adjectives (both in the

non-reduplicated and the reduplicated form; cf. section 5.3.4 below) that constitutes the reason

for including them in the same class.



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Morphology that meets the eye: Evidence for two classes of adjectives in Chinese | 179



formation of manner adverbs. (As suggested by the reviewer, adverb formation

thus seems to be restricted to the reduplicated forms of gradable adjectives.)

(100) a. gāogāoxìngxìng deSUB háizi

happy

SUB

child

‘happy children’

b. Tā gāogāoxìngxìngde37

3SG happy

‘He is happy.’

c.



Tā gāogāoxìngxìngde chàng gē

3SG happy

sing song

‘He is singing happily.’



(101) a. hǎohǎo deSUB bǐ

good SUB

pen

‘a perfectly good pen’

b. Wǒ zuótiān

hái hǎohǎode, jīntiān jiù bìngdǎo le

1SG yesterday still good

today then be.ill

SFP

||

37 In the case of reduplicated adjectives, de is part of the reduplicated form itself; accordingly,

sentences (100b)–(102b), (104)–(105), where the reduplicated form functions as a predicate,

cannot be analysed as cases of predication with shi…de (cf. [4a], [5a] above) from which shi

would have been dropped. When a reduplicated adjective functions as a modifier as e.g. in

(100a), I assume haplology between the de of the reduplicated adjective and the subordinator

de into one surface de, similar to the generally acknowledged haplology of the sentence-final

complementiser le with the perfective verbal suffix -le when the verb occupies the sentencefinal position: V-le le # => V le # (cf. Chao Yuen Ren 1968: 247). Evidence for the haplology of

the reduplication de with the subordinator de comes from Chinese dialects where these two

de’s are phonologically different and can hence co-occur (cf. Zhu 1993).

The exact role and distribution of de in the reduplicates is far from clear. Lü Shuxiang (2000

[1980]: 719) only notes that de is optional for AABB reduplicates when functioning as the socalled descriptive complement introduced by de. (This de is different from those already encountered and has so far not been analysed satisfactorily; cf. chapter 8.3.3 below.)

(i)

Tā shōushi de zhĕngzhĕngqíqí(de)

(Lü Shuxiang (2000 [1980]: 719)

3SG tidy

DE neat

‘He tidied up very neatly.’

The data furthermore suggest that non-reduplicated modifier-head adjectival compounds such

as xuĕ-bái ‘snow-white’ = ‘as white as snow’ preferably appear without de, though this cannot

be generalized and also varies from speaker to speaker.



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180 | Adjectives: Another neglected category – which turns out to be two

‘Yesterday, I still felt ok, but today I’m ill.’

c.



Nǐ hǎohǎode gēn tā shuō, bié shēng



2SG good

with 3SG talk NEG produce air

‘Talk to him nicely and don’t get angry.’



(102) a. tōnghóng(tōnghóng) deSUB liǎn

scarlet

SUB

face

‘a scarlet face’

b. Ta deSUB liǎn tōnghóng(tōnghóngde)

3SG SUB

face scarlet

‘His face was scarlet.’

(103) a. bǐ

-zhí

deSUB shù-gàn

brush-straight SUB

tree-trunk

‘perfectly straight tree trunks’

b. Gōnglù bǐ

-zhí

highway brush-straight

‘The highway is perfectly straight.’

c.



Tā bǐzhíde

zhàn zài lǎoshī de qiánmiàn

3SG perfectly.straight stand at teacher SUB front

‘He is standing perfectly straight in front of the teacher.’



(104)



Liǎn chángchángde, yáchǐ yě chángchángde

face long

tooth also long

‘The face is long, and the teeth are long, too.’ (Zhu Dexi 1980[1956]: 11)



(105)



Tiān yǐjīng hēi -hūhūde le

sky already dark-HUHU SFP38

‘The sky is already dark.’



Unlike simple adjectives, derived adjectives cannot appear in the comparative construction and are incompatible with degree adverbs such as hěn ‘very’,

fēicháng ‘extremely’, tèbié ‘particularly’ etc. Adverbs such as zhème, nàme

||

38 No meaning is associated with hūhū on its own.



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Morphology that meets the eye: Evidence for two classes of adjectives in Chinese | 181



‘this/that way; so, such’ are, however, acceptable (and for some native speakers

also tài ‘too’, cf. [107]):

(106)



Tā de yīfu





de gèng

bái/

3SG SUB clothes compared.to 2SG SUB even.more white/

gèng

gānjìng /*báibáide/*gāngānjìngjìngde/*xuě -bái

even.more clean / white / clean

/ snow-white

‘His clothes are (even) cleaner/whiter/*more snow-white than yours.’



(107)



Tā fēicháng pàng/*fēicháng pàngpàngde/#tài pàngpàngde

3SG extremely fat / extremely fat

/ too fat

‘He is very fat/too fat.’



(108) a. * Tā de liǎnsè

tèbié

tōnghóng(tōnghóngde)

3SG SUB complexion particularly scarlet

(‘His face is particularly scarlet.’)

b. Tā de liǎnsè

wèishénme nàme tōnghóng(tōnghóngde)?

3SG SUB complexion why

so

scarlet

‘Why is his face so scarlet?’

(109)



Lǎo

zhème màn-tēngtēngde kĕ

bù xíng 39

always this.way slow-TENGTENG really NEG possible

‘It’s impossible to be always so sluggish.’



Unlike simple adjectives, derived adjectives cannot be negated by bù. They

can only be negated by bù shì ‘not be’ = ‘it is not the case that’ (cf. [110b]), which

has scope over the entire proposition and can therefore bear on any part

thereof; the identification of the negated part is then determined by the

obligatory continuation. Example (110b) also nicely illustrates the subjective

description associated with reduplication and absent in simple adjectives,

which in the case of pàngpàngde ‘plump’ is an approving, positive attitude

expressed by the speaker, contrasting with tài pàng ‘too fat’:

(110) a. Tā bù pàng /*bù pàngpàngde

3SG NEG fat / NEG fat

‘He is not fat.’

||

39 No meaning is associated with tēngtēng on its own



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182 | Adjectives: Another neglected category – which turns out to be two

b. Tā bù shì pàngpàngde, érshì tài pàng le

3SG NEG be fat

but too fat SFP

‘He is not [nicely] plump, but he is [simply] too fat.’

(111)



Tā de yīfu

bù gānjìng/

3SG SUB clothes NEG clean /

*bù gāngānjìngjìngde/*bù xuěbái(xuěbáide)

NEG clean

/ NEG snow.white

‘His clothes are not clean/as white as snow.’



As illustrated in (100)–(105) above, derived adjectives can very well function as

predicates on their own and be modified by VP-level adverbs such as hái ‘still’,

yě ‘also’ yǐjīng ‘already’ which only precede predicative elements (cf. [101b],

[104], [105]). The incompatibility with negation and with degree adverbs,

equally typical of predicative elements, can therefore not be due to syntax, but

must have semantic reasons.

The unacceptability of modifier-head compounds such as xuě-bái ‘snowwhite’ in the comparative construction (cf. [106] above) allows us to determine

the semantic nature of the problem. Derived adjectives are not admitted here,

because a comparison involves determining the degree value (superior, inferior)

of a given property on a gradable scale, not a (subjective) description of this

property. The predominance of this descriptive component in derived adjectives

is particularly visible in the case of modifier-head compounds:

(112)



Tā de yīfu

bù shì xuě -bái ,

3SG SUB clothes NEG be snow-white

érshì bǐ

xuě hái bái

but commpared.to snow still white

‘It is not the case that her dress is as white as snow, but it is even whiter

than snow.’



The second clause in (112) is obligatory, because it makes explicit that it is the

descriptive component (‘like snow’) which is negated, not the property itself.

The latter cannot be negated, hence the incompatibility with bù observed in

(111) above. This line of reasoning, showing the incompatibility of derived

adjectives with negation to have a semantic, not a syntactic source is

corroborated by the acceptability of derived adjectives with adverbs of intensity

such as zhème, nàme ‘so, such’ in (108) and (109) above. Consequently, derived

adjectives are not on a par with absolute adjectives such as fāng ‘square’, cuò



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‘wrong’; the latter do not allow these adverbs, because they are essentially

binary. Also recall that absolute adjectives - being “non-predicative” adjectives need shì…de in order to form a predicate (cf. section 5.1.1 above), another

constrast with respect to the systematically predicative derived adjectives.

Finally, the positive degree interpretation observed for derived adjectives

(also cf. C.–S. Luther Liu 2013), augmented by the descriptive component in

modifer-head compounds or by the special semantics associated with

reduplication, in combination with the systematic lack of a comparative degree

interpretation presents a challenge for the current analyses of the adverb hěn

‘very’. Recall that hěn plays a decisive role in the positive degree interpretation

of simple adjectives in predicative function (cf. section 5.1.4 above), and is either

analysed as licensor of the covert positive degree morpheme (cf. C.–S. Luther

Liu 2010) or as head of a Degree projection intervening between TP and the AP

(cf. Grano 2012). As far as I can see, these analyses of hěn cannot be maintained

in light of the class of derived adjectives, and further research is called for here.

In any case, these latter musings highlight the point I want to make here, i.e. the

status of derived adjectives as a class distinct from simple adjectives. In

addition to their systematic ability to function as predicates and modifiers and

to allow for the formation of manner adverbs, derived adjectives also behave

alike with respect to two other phenomena, viz. compound formation and deless modification.



5.3.3 The unacceptability of derived adjectives in verbal compounds

As has been observed in the literature, reduplicated adjectives - unlike their

simple counterparts - are excluded from the formation of resultative verb

compounds of the form ‘verb-adjective’ where the adjective indicates the result

of the action expressed by the verb:

(113)



a. Tā bǎ zhuōzi cā -gānjìng-le

3SG BA table wipe-clean -PERF

‘He wiped the table clean.’



(Sybesma 1991b: 133, [13], [14])



b. * Tā bǎ zhuōzi cā -gāngānjìngjìng-le

3SG BA table wipe-clean

-PERF

(114) a. Tā bǎ chngdān dié -zhěngqí-le

3SG BA sheet

fold-neat -PERF

‘He folded the sheets neatly.’



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184 | Adjectives: Another neglected category – which turns out to be two

b. * Tā bǎ chuángdān dié -zhěngzhěngqíqí-le

3SG BA sheet

fold-neat

-PERF

(115)



a. Wūzi de qiáng dōu shuā-baí -le

room SUB wall all paint-white-PERF

‘The walls of the room are all painted white.’

b. * Wūzi de qiáng dōu shuā-baíbaí-le

room SUB wall all paint-white-PERF



(116) a. Lúzi shāo-rè -le

stove burn-hot-PERF

‘The stove has burnt itself hot.’

b. * Lúzi shāo-rèrè-le

stove burn-hot-PERF

Since disyllabic adjectives (cf. [113a], [114a]) are as acceptable in these

compounds as monosyllabic ones (cf. [115a], [116a]), the unacceptability of the

‘AA’ reduplicates in examples (115b) and (116b) cannot be reduced to a

phonotactic constraint sensitive to the number of syllables. As demonstrated

below, the same constraint holds equally for (non-reduplicated) ‘modifier-head’

adjectival compounds, i.e. like reduplicated adjectives, they cannot enter into

the formation of resultative verbal compounds:

(117)



a. Tā kū -hóng-le yǎnjing

3SG cry-red -PERF eye

‘He cried his eyes red.’

b. *Tā kū -tōnghóng-le yănjing

3SG cry-scarlet -PERF eye



(118) a. Tā shǒu dòng -hóng-le

3SG hand freeze-red -PERF

‘His hands were red-frozen.’

b. *Tā shŏu dòng -tōnghóng-le

3SG hand freeze-scarlet -PERF



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Morphology that meets the eye: Evidence for two classes of adjectives in Chinese | 185



(119) a. Wūzi de qiáng dōu shuā-baí

-le

room SUB wall all paint-white-PERF

‘The walls of the room are all painted white.’



(= [115a] above)



b. * Wūzi de qiáng dōu shuā-xuě -baí -le

room SUB wall all paint-snow-white-PERF

(120) a. Diànxiàn

lā -zhí

-le

electric.wire pull-straight-PERF

‘The electric wire has been pulled straight.’

b. * Diànxiàn

lā -bǐ -zhí

-le

electric.wire pull-brush-straight-PERF

The general ban on derived adjectives to enter into the formation of resultative

verb compounds clearly sets them apart from the class of simple adjectives. It

also further corroborates the claim that modifier-head compounds – both in

their non-reduplucated as well as in their reduplicated form – belong to the

same class of derived adjectives as reduplicated adjectives.



5.3.4 The unacceptability of derived adjectives in de-less modification

Another important characteristic of derived adjectives is their unacceptability in

the de-less modification structure (cf. Lü Shuxiang 2000 [1980]: 719):

(121)



a. gānjìng (desub) yīfu

clean SUB

clothes

‘clean clothes’

b. gāngānjìngjìng *(desub) yīfu

clean

SUB

clothes

‘clean clothes’



(122)



a. bái

(desub) zhĭ

white SUB

paper

‘white paper’

b. báibái/ xuě -bái / xuěbáixuěbái *(desub) zhǐ

white/ snow-white/ snow-white

SUB

paper



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