Tải bản đầy đủ - 0trang
3 Teaching Sex and Gender in an Ironically Sexist World
Doing Critical Pedagogy in an Ironically Sexist World
exercises that require students to scrutinize sexist media messages can provide
opportunities for students to develop a critical eye for identifying sexist media in its
more covert, ironic forms.
Assignments that draw upon popular culture can also help students to learn more
“deeply” about ironic sexism. Unlike the short-term memorization that characterizes “surface learning,” deep learning involves long-term comprehension and perspective transformation (Tagg 2003). Popular media analysis assignments that
highlight ironic sexism and feminist criticism provide students with an opportunity
to make meaning of course material in the context of their own lives. By drawing
upon the popular media that students engage daily, assignments are placed in a
highly relevant context, facilitating a deeper approach to learning (Roberts and
Roberts 2008). Moreover, deep learning also occurs when students have an “affective” connection to the material they are learning. Visual media steeped in popular
culture is often an emotionally resonant type of media that can enhance affective
learning (Andrist et al. 2014).
One example of an assignment that draws upon popular culture and can encourage students to identify and analyze ironically sexist media is a short writing assignment centered on online videos (Dean 2012a, b; see also Appendix A). In the
assignment students are required to ﬁnd a short online video they believe carries an
ironically sexist delivery, and in one highly-polished page of writing, make an argument why they think the content is sexist. Students must draw on feminist analytical
concepts introduced in the course when crafting their analysis. In line with Tagg’s
(2003) insight about perspective transformation, students can be encouraged to
entertain other perspectives, even while making a strong case for their own. While
giving students experience in applying concepts, the exercise also encourages students to become more critical consumers of popular media.
Second, given that ironic sexism is often initially difﬁcult to identify, dialogic
writing assignments that alternate between students submitting written analyses of
media and readers providing feedback are often useful. An example of this type of
assignment, titled “Rated R for Retro Sexism,” is included in Appendix A. This
assignment asks students to work closely with instructors to develop their critiques
over time, through iterative drafts, but the assignment can be easily modiﬁed to
encourage students to engage in a critical dialogue with each other in order to
sharpen their critiques of media. As Tsui (2002) notes, instructional techniques that
emphasize writing and rewriting are crucial for helping students develop higherorder cognitive skills, speciﬁcally, the ability to think critically, i.e., the type of
thinking students engage when analyzing and evaluating multiple interpretations of
media. Importantly, as Tsui’s research also demonstrates, the assignments that best
cultivate critical thinking do not simply ask students to write a lot, but rather require
students to synthesize, analyze, and reﬁne their ideas through the writing process.
Ultimately, students have the challenging task of articulating what is sexist about
ironically sexist media. Thus, the third category of assignments we identify is
geared toward familiarizing students with course concepts, particularly those associated with feminist media criticism. Focused on reading comprehension, Roberts
and Roberts (2008) argue: “if the readings themselves elicit and require ‘perspective
V. Chepp and L. Andrist
taking’—a process that is at the very core of deep learning (Roberts 2002; Tagg
2003)—students will ﬁnd that they become more deeply engaged” (130). We argue
that perspective taking is also centrally important in media analysis, and can be
achieved with either written assignments or classroom discussions. Speciﬁcally, a
debate-style, in-class activity in which students argue “for” or “against” the existence of sexism within a given piece of media can be effective. Class debates can
entertain the perspective that the media in question is simply “all in good fun,” but
students can be pressed to consider whether the media is also working to reinforce
patterns of inequality within patriarchal social structures, whether it promotes sexist
ideas, and whether it constitutes a legitimate, albeit satirical, critique of sexism.
Whether moderating a classroom discussion or providing students with feedback
on their written work, it is useful to take the role of the devil’s advocate. To return
to the case of ironic hypermasculinity in advertising, take the example of one memorable Old Spice commercial featuring actor Isaiah Mustafa, who seamlessly transitions from stepping out of a shower to mounting a white horse in the span of 30
seconds (Old Spice 2010). One typical dialogue between a teacher and student
might begin with a student pointing out that this commercial is sexist because it
conveys the idea that to be a real man one needs to resemble Mustafa, whose character emanates strength and conﬁdence. The instructor might respond by asking the
student to consider whether it makes a difference that the commercial seems to be
making fun of itself and that the main character is clearly performing an exaggerated masculinity. If the student declares instead that the commercial is a critique of
masculinity, the instructor might ask the student to specify the critique. There are
many potential meanings in any given example of visual media, but what is the
preferred meaning? That is, what is the meaning Old Spice intends to privilege? In
this case, it is apparent that Old Spice is celebrating hypermasculinity—which functions to uphold hegemonic ideals of masculinity (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005;
Andrist and Chepp 2011)—and probably hoping viewers will associate this celebrated masculinity with their product.
Writing nearly half of a century before the emergence of ironic sexism,
Horkheimer and Adorno (1944) warned of the dangers of ideologies like ironic sexism in our modern culture industry. One of the major insights stemming from this
work was the recognition that popular media serves as a site of domination and a
means of maintaining the status quo. What Horkheimer and Adorno’s theory failed
to address, however, are the ways a critical pedagogy can respond to such ideologically saturated media, serving as a tool to combat the supposed monopoly the culture industry holds over us. Education is thus a crucial site of intervention, and
instructors can facilitate this intervention by drawing upon teaching techniques
rooted in a critical pedagogy: an approach to teaching and learning that is centrally
concerned with shifting power relations and promoting social justice through education (Freire 1970). In this chapter, we have offered several examples of such
teaching techniques that can help students critically engage the ironic sexism in
mass culture. In doing so, instructors can help students learn to recognize the myriad ways in which we live in an ironically sexist world and, at the same time,
empower them with the means to resist it.
Doing Critical Pedagogy in an Ironically Sexist World
Andrist, L. (2011). Retro sexism: A primer. http://www.thesociologicalcinema.com/videos/retrosexism-a-primer. Accessed 15 July 2015.
Andrist, L., & Chepp, V. (2011). The commercials of super bowl Sunday and the new masculinity.
http://www.thesociologicalcinema.com/blog/the-commercials-of-super-bowl-sunday-and-thenew-masculinity. Accessed 15 July 2015.
Andrist, L., Chepp, V., Dean, P., & Miller, M. V. (2014). Toward a video pedagogy: A teaching
typology with learning goals. Teaching Sociology, 42(3), 196–206.
Bloshmi, A. (2013). Advertising in post-feminism: The return of sexism in visual culture? Journal
of Promotional Communications, 1(1), 4–28.
Collins, P. H. (2005). Black sexual politics: African Americans, gender, and the new racism.
New York: Routledge.
Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept.
Gender & Society, 19(6), 829–859.
Dean, P. (2012a). An online video assignment (that is fun to grade!). http://www.thesociologicalcinema.com/blog/an-online-video-assignment-that-is-fun-to-grade. Accessed 15 July 2015.
Dean, P. (2012b). Online video analysis. http://www.thesociologicalcinema.com/assignments/
online-video-analysis. Accessed 15 July 2015.
Faludi, S. (1991). Backlash: The undeclared war against American women. New York: Three
Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed (M. Ramos, Trans.). New York: Herder and Herder.
Friedan, B. (2001). The feminine mystique. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
Harris-Perry, M. V. (2011). Sister outsider: Shame, stereotypes, and black women in America. New
Haven: Yale University Press.
Henderson, M. G. (2013). About face, or, what is this ‘back’ in b(l)ack Popular Culture? From
Venus Hottentot to video hottie. In A. Cremieux, X. Lemoine, & J. Rocchi (Eds.), Understanding
blackness through performance: Contemporary arts and the representation of identity
(pp. 159–180). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hobson, J. (2003). The ‘batty’ politic: Toward an aesthetic of the black female body. Hypatia,
Hooks, B. (1992). Black looks: Race and representation. Boston: South End Press.
Horkheimer, M., & Adorno, T. (1944). The culture industry: Enlightenment as mass deception.
Dialectic of enlightenment (J. Cumming, Trans.). New York: Herder and Herder (1972).
Katz, J. (1999). Tough guise: Violence, media, and the crisis in masculinity. Northampton: Media
Kilbourne, J. (2010). Killing us softly 4: Advertising’s image of women. Northampton: Media
Messner, M. A., & Montez de Oca, J. (2005). The male consumer as loser: Beer and liquor ads in
mega sports media events. Signs, 30(3), 1879–1909.
Miller-Young, M. (2008). Hip-hop honeys and da hustlaz: Black sexualities in the new hip-hop
pornography. Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism, 8(1), 261–292.
Old Spice. (2010). Old spice: The man your man could smell like. https://youtu.be/owGykVbfgUE. Accessed 15 July 2015.
Parasecoli, F. (2007). Bootylicious: Food and the female body in contemporary black pop culture.
Women’s Studies Quarterly, 35(1/2), 110–125.
Quart, A. (2012, October 30). The age of hipster sexism. New York Magazine.
Roberts, K. A. (2002). Ironies of effective teaching: Deep structure learning and constructions of
the classroom. Teaching Sociology, 30(1), 1–25.
Roberts, J. C., & Roberts, K. A. (2008). Deep reading, cost/beneﬁt, and the construction of meaning: Enhancing reading comprehension and deep learning in sociology courses. Teaching
Sociology, 36(2), 125–140.
V. Chepp and L. Andrist
Rose, T. (1994). Black noise: Rap music and black culture in contemporary America. Middletown:
Wesleyan University Press.
Sarkeesian, A. (2010). Mad world: Retro sexism and über ironic advertising. http://bitchmagazine.
org/post/mad-world-retro-sexism-and-%C3%BCber-ironic-advertising. Accessed 15 July
Sekayi, D. (2003). Aesthetic resistance to commercial inﬂuences: The impact of the Eurocentric
beauty standard on black college women. Journal of Negro Education, 72(4), 467–477.
Sir Mix-a-Lot. (1992). Baby got back. Mack daddy. Def American Recordings.
Sir Mix-a-Lot. (2014). Sir Mix-A-Lot tells HuffPost entertainment’s podcast all about ‘baby got
html?ncid=fcbklnkushpmg00000047&ir=Black+Voices. Accessed 15 July 2015.
Story, K. A. (2007). Performing Venus ~ From Hottentot to video vixen: The historical legacy of
black female body commodiﬁcation. In G. D. Pough, E. Richardson, A. Durham, & R. Raimist
(Eds.), Home girls make some noise: Hip hop feminism anthology (pp. 235–247). Mira Loma:
Parker Publishing, LLC.
Tagg, J. (2003). The learning paradigm college. Bolton: Anker Publishing Co.
Tide. (2011). My Tide detergent TV commercial. https://youtu.be/d2SRG8OqNqA. Accessed 15
Tsui, L. (2002). Fostering critical thinking through effective pedagogy: Evidence from four institutional case studies. The Journal of Higher Education, 73(6), 740–763.
Wallace, K. (2012, November 1). ‘Hipster sexism’: Just as bad as regular old sexism, or worse?
Žižek, S. (1989). The sublime object of ideology. London: Verso.
Coding the Crisis of Masculinity
Kyle Green and Madison Van Oort
As Janet Roitman writes, “crisis is the unexamined point of departure for narration.
It is a blind spot for the production of knowledge about what constitutes historical
signiﬁcance and about what constitutes social or historical meaning” (2013, 66).
The economy, the climate, and the institution of marriage are widely thought of as
being in crisis. So, too, it seems, are men. A quick skim through headlines in the
paper, popular news magazines, or on the Internet is enough to make clear that
American men are perceived as under attack and American masculinity as suffering.
The trigger for the incensed proclamations cover the spectrum from the decline of
manufacturing jobs, the increasing numbers of women in positions of power in the
workforce and political ofﬁce, the educational successes of young women and girls,
the lack of attention paid to the domestic abuse of men, sexual assault legislation,
the rise of the “metrosexual,” and perceived lack of space for and celebration of that
good old, rough-and-tumble brand of masculinity. All fall under the umbrella of a
perceived crisis. And, while the loudest cries often come from the more conservative sources, the crisis of masculinity discourse has shown resiliency and adaptability, regularly returning with new iterations permeating the language of both the left
and the right. In particular, popular laments invoking the “Mancession,” and the
“End of Men,” transcend political party, and often the dialogue is both impassioned
and personal.1 It is the strength, pervasiveness, and contentious nature of the
The “Mancession” is a term that was coined during the 2008 economic crisis, referring to studies showing that the downturn more strongly hit men, with women in the service industry holding
onto their jobs (Thompson 2009). This term obscures the racial disparity in unemployment as
well as women slower job recovery (Covert 2012b). The “End of Men” refers to the argument
K. Green (*)
Utica College, Utica, NY, USA
M. Van Oort
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016
K. Haltinner, R. Pilgeram (eds.), Teaching Gender and Sex
in Contemporary America, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-30364-2_16
K. Green and M. Van Oort
discourse that make it both an important and difﬁcult topic for the sociology
In this chapter we seek to accomplish four goals. First, we situate the way that
scholars have treated the crisis of masculinity and argue for the topic as one worthy
of (critical) engagement in the undergraduate classroom; second, we reﬂect on the
pedagogical strengths and challenges of this topic; third, we argue for the value of
semiotic and discursive coding of commercials as a vehicle for prompting discussion of masculinity in contemporary America. We then offer the reader a teaching
activity based on our publication “‘We Wear No Pants’: Selling the Crisis of
Masculinity in the 2010 Super Bowl Commercials” (Green and Van Oort 2013), in
which students are given the opportunity to code the crisis presented in popular
commercials ﬁrst aired during the Super Bowl (see Appendix A). We conclude the
article using reﬂections on our own experiences teaching the activity in Introduction
to Sociology; Research Methods, and Race, Class, and Gender courses to make a
call for embracing complexity and uncertainty in the classroom.
Academic Response: Contextualizing and Critiquing
Scholars, though not particularly convinced by the discourse of men in crisis, have
had a lot to say. Some of the most important work has been illustrating that contrary
to media rhetoric and public opinion, this is not the ﬁrst time that American men
(and American values by proxy) were declared under attack. In fact, according to
sociologists Dworkin and Wach (2009), there have been at least three previous
major waves of “the crisis of masculinity.” The ﬁrst occurred at the turn of the twentieth century as a reaction to the rise of ﬁrst-wave feminism and changes to work
and family dynamics. Popular reactions to middle-class women’s declarations of
boredom with housewifery and demands for political voice included the creation of
the boy scouts and greater institutionalization of sports—both providing a space for
masculine ritual, a place to escape feminizing inﬂuence, and the afﬁrmation that
men are different than women (see Kimmel 1996). The second wave crested in the
late 1970s and appeared as a reaction to the gains made by women during the
second-wave feminist movement and received attention due to the work of men’s
rights groups like the mythopoetic men’s movement and the Promise Keepers (see
Messner 1997). The third wave grew during the late 1990s, a time of increased
convergence of the social roles of men and women. During this wave the body was
attributed as both solution to and cause of the crisis. Gym memberships rose as men
sought muscle (and masculinity). In other words, providing historical context to the
“crisis” is a way of demonstrating that men are whining about the same old problems (eg Kimmell 1996) and that “ﬁxing” a “wounded” and “threatened”
posited by Hannah Rosin in her popular book (2012) and article (2010), each bearing the name,
that patriarchy is coming to an end due to women’s success in the classroom and the workplace.
16 Coding the Crisis of Masculinity
masculinity is actually shorthand for reinstating a masculinity from times past when
‘men were men,’ the gendered hierarchy was more stable, and roles more deﬁned.
Other scholars have provided detailed examination of the data in the speciﬁc
social areas seen as part of the crisis (work, education, crime, family, sexuality,
health, representations) to show that the crisis is based on misguided reading of
trends (e.g., Connell 2000; Adams and Coltrane 2004). One example comes in the
form of recent critiques of Hannah Rosin’s announcement of the “end of men.” In
Rosin’s inﬂuential essay in the Atlantic (2010), she asserts that women’s supposedly
innate sensibilities, like ﬂexibility and empathy, make them closely compatible with
success in the “new economy” (Rosin 2010). However, critical race and queer theory scholars emphasize that Rosin ignores the maintenance of a white heteropatriarchy (Coontz 2012; Covert 2012a; Hernandez 2010). For instance, Rosin neglects
to mention that marginalized women continue to work in service sectors that are
often unstable and underpaid (Covert 2012b; Collins 1991; Ehrenreich and
Hochschild 2004; Parrenas 2008).
Teaching the Crisis: Risk and Rewards
Both types of scholarly engagement with the crisis do an excellent job undercutting
the claim that men and masculinity, in particular white men and white masculinity,
are in need of saving. However, there is a danger in too quickly dismissing a prominent discursive construction that shapes the commonsense understandings of many
of the students who ﬁll the seats in our classrooms. Students are very skilled in
resisting that which calls into question basic beliefs they have been socialized into.
The crisis discourse is a particularly difﬁcult topic to teach because it is often imbricated in other economic, racial, or nationalist concerns. For instance, in this postRecession moment, there are lingering fears about the job market, and attempts to
deconstruct the crisis discourse could be countered by the “reality” of the economic
crisis. Teaching this wave of the crisis is even further complicated by the social
context of an American society that celebrates itself as post-feminist and post-racial.
Students—especially those who are white, middle-class, and male-identiﬁed—may
argue that women and people of color have equal economic opportunities, and any
inequality is the result of personal failure. The exception, of course, is when white
men appear to be lagging behind. In those cases, scholarships or afﬁrmative action
given to women, queer people, or people of color may be blamed for disrupting an
otherwise level playing ﬁeld.
Confronting systems of power is never an easy task. Students are particularly
good at dismissing arguments about their privilege and the complicit relationships
they may have with any form of oppression. As bell hooks (1994) illustrates, this
often takes the form of directing distrust towards the instructor and dismissing the
critique as being driven by identity politics. In this regard, the white male instructor
is in a privileged position to question issues of race and masculinity without being
seen as having ulterior motives (see Messner 2000). In any case, students are able to
K. Green and M. Van Oort
play the game of giving the answer the instructor is seeking, while blaming the politics of the discipline for the teaching of untruths. A clear example of this is that one
of the authors, Kyle, has had a student come to his ofﬁce to ask whether he actually
believes these things or if it is simply what he is required to teach. Here the student
was not swayed by the discussion of inequality, but instead because of a shared
identity as white men, assumed it was the pressures of the discipline that led Kyle
to join in the assault.
However, the same aspects that make this topic a difﬁcult one to teach also make
it worthwhile. If the crisis is successfully engaged with, to borrow a turn of phrase
made popular by anthropologists, it can make the familiar strange and the strange
familiar. Through revealing the historical and structural forces that have shaped the
current iteration of the discourse, students are forced to reconsider their assumptions about the masculinity. The transformation pushes students who have embraced
many of the tenants of the discourse to be reﬂexive about their own lived experiences and ask whether things have to be or should be this way, as well as make
connections between the personal lived experience and larger forces. For those who
ﬁnd the discourse strange and even alienating, they are able to better understand the
allure and persistence of the crisis language. The topic also presents an opportunity
to gain insight into what happens when culture lags behind and resists laws that
promote legal, political, domestic and economic equality (Turner 2008); for
instance, despite efforts by Presidents Kennedy and Obama to establish equal pay in
the workplace, women and workers of color continue to be framed as having an
unfair advantage over white men. For more advanced courses, the eternal return of
the crisis should not be cause for dismissal but rather should serve as a sign of the
power of the discourse. If men are never crisis-free, as Abigail Solomon-Godeau
(1997) suggests, this is impetus for students to also look within masculinity, rather
than just outside of it, for the source of the crisis (Edwards 2006).
Coding the Crisis: Building the Critique
The challenge then, is to teach the crisis in a manner that demonstrates the false
assumptions and provides historical contextualization while also taking seriously
the power of the discourse and the manner in which it has shaped the lived experience and outlook of the students. And yes, there is a clear contradiction between
men’s apparent entitlement to power and the sense of powerlessness they frequently
experience (Armengol and Carabi 2009); however, this contradiction should be
embraced as an opportunity to explore how particular narratives come to be pervasive, accepted, and “feel right.” But again, how does one turn a critical gaze toward
the powerful discourse while also encouraging the potentially resistant students to
do the same rather than raise their defenses?
To do this, we guide students through a basic discursive and semiotic analysis of
advertising, in particular, Super Bowl commercials (available in Appendix A). We
recommend this approach and subject matter for a number of reasons. First,
16 Coding the Crisis of Masculinity
advertising has long served as a key site for the dissemination of dominant discourses on gender and masculinity. Second, the Super Bowl is a rare cultural
moment where we know there are not only a lot of eyes on the screen (more than
100 billion tuned in for the 2010 Super Bowl), but that the commercials themselves
are a key part of the spectacle—attracting viewers, critics, and bloggers. With all
this attention we can be conﬁdent that the companies, who are spending over $3.5
million dollars per 30 s, are doing their best to craft a message that resonates with
the public. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the commercials provide a relatively low-stakes object to highlight how men’s bodies come to serve as important
sites that take on broader anxieties about gender and patriarchy in this contemporary
moment of capitalism. Through coding, the students are participants in mapping the
shifting presentation of masculinity and the increasing presentation of men as under
threat. The active engagement in the construction of the argument directs attention
towards the object of study—a cultural event seen as fun and frivolous—and helps
avoid tactics of denial targeted at the instructor and discipline.
Within the social sciences, there are a number of different approaches to coding
visual media. Content analysis, perhaps the most common within sociology, seeks
to discover common themes and patterns in a group of images or text. This often
takes a quantitative turn, with the goal of greater replicability and a desire to answer
more clearly objective questions. In contrast, we choose to have our students employ
a more qualitative approach that seeks to delve into the construction of meaning.
Here we fall somewhere between a semiotic approach where we seek to reveal how
meaning is attached to images and a discursive approach that shifts the analysis to
look at how the styles and rhetoric employed relate to ﬁelds of power. While the
semiotic and discursive approach lacks the potential for objectivity that content
analysis strives for, it makes up for it in the ability to have students employ a creative and critical lens in making sense of the meanings. Rather than detailed coding
and tabulation to measure the shifting representations of men, students approach the
commercials as puzzles to be understood—what do these symbols mean, why are
they employed this way in these commercials, and what does this tell us about our
contemporary understanding of masculinity?
Troubling the Crisis and Embracing Uncertainty
There is a common self-deprecating joke among sociologists that the reason they
are not the go-to experts for journalists is that they rarely make deﬁnitive claims and
will instead turn to their favorite adage, “it’s complicated.” In reﬂecting on our
choice to use a guided blend of semiotic and discursive analysis to provoke discussion of the crisis of masculinity, it became apparent that this is more than just a
pragmatic decision. It is also a call to embrace uncertainty, complexity, and the possibility that asking the right types of questions is better than being given an answer.
In this sense, deconstructing a pervasive discourse through a method that does not
leave the students with Truth is part and parcel to building critical thinking—the
K. Green and M. Van Oort
often-celebrated, but ever elusive quality that the sociological discipline and liberal
arts programs strive to instill in students (Nelson 1999).
In our experience, students initially struggle with the ambiguity of the discussion
and the lack of a deﬁned takeaway point that might later appear on a test. Notebooks
are opened and closed, pencils lifted and set down, and sideways glances are given
to see what the adjacent student is writing. Some are hesitant when we explain that
within semiotic analysis, there is no Truth to be discovered, rather best arguments
are determined through insightfulness, evidence, clarity, and even creativity. Others
indicate doubt when we explain that no two scholars will arrive at the exact same
conclusion, as each brings differing histories and orientations to the project of interpretation. However, rather than attempting to cloak the subjective in a veil of scientiﬁc certainty, we let the strengths and limitations of the approach be learned through
practice. We give students freedom to highlight different signs as being central to
the message—with others helping to deconstruct the meaning and signiﬁcance or
reining in the more extreme interpretations. And, perhaps most importantly, we
welcome questions from the skeptical.
Certainly, some aspect of the crisis can be measured objectively: what are the
gender differences in employment across industry? What are the different wage/
salary or education gaps? How have these things changed over time? These provide
an important base for establishing that we have not entered a post-feminist, postracial epoch of equality. However, we believe that the key to studying these kinds of
discourses sociologically is not to “prove” whether they are right or wrong but to
understand how they work. If advertising plays off of culturally agreed upon signs
and attempts to transfer those meanings to products (Rose 2001), as instructors, we
must teach our students to trouble the everyday assumptions they make about gender and social relations. In being able to ask questions about the construction of the
crisis in media and popular culture, it critiques many of the underlying, normalized
aspects of the discourse. For, returning to our introduction, if the crisis has material
effects because it is perceived to be real, then even this momentary act of critical
inquiry begins to erode the foundations of the power structure.
Adams, M., & Coltrane, S. (2004). Boys and men in families. In M. S. Kimmel, J. Hearn, & R. W.
Connell (Eds.), Handbook of studies on men and masculinities (pp. 230–248). London: Sage.
Armengol, J. M., & Carabi, A. (Eds.). (2009). Debating masculinity. Harriman: Men’s Studies
Connell, R. W. (2000). The men and the boys. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Coontz, S. (2012). The myth of male decline. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.
com/2012/09/30/opinion/sunday/the-myth-of-male-decline.html?_r=0 Accessed 2 Mar 2013.
Covert, B. (2012a). Dear Hannah Rosin: I’m doing ﬁne! Love, the patriarchy. The Nation. http://
2 Mar 2013.
Covert, B. (2012b). One mancession later: Are women really victors in the new economy?
The Nation. http://www.thenation.com/article/166468/one-mancession-later-are-women-really
victors-new-economy. Accessed 20 Sept 2012.
16 Coding the Crisis of Masculinity
Dworkin, S. L., & Wachs, F. L. (2009). Body panic: Gender, health, and the selling of fitness.
New York: New York University Press.
Edwards, T. (2006). Cultures of masculinity. New York: Routledge.
Ehrenreich, B., & Hochschild, A. R. (2004). Global woman: Nannies, maids, and sex workers in
the new economy. New York: Holt.
Green, K., & Van Oort, M. (2013). We wear no pants: Selling the crisis of masculinity in the 2010
super bowl commercials. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 38(3), 695–719.
Hernandez, D. (2010). The ‘end of men’ isn’t the end of racism. Colorlines. http://colorlines.com/
archives/2010/06/the_end_of_men_isnt_the_end_of_racism.html. Accessed 15 Apr 2013.
Hill Collins, P. (1991). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of
empowerment. New York: Routledge.
Hooks, B. (1994). Teaching to transgress: Education as the practice of freedom. New York:
Kimmel, M. (1996). Manhood in America: A cultural history. New York: The Free Press.
Messner, M. (1997). The politics of masculinities: Men in movements. Thousands Oaks: Sage.
Messner, M. (2000). White guy habitus in the classroom. Men and Masculinities, 2(4), 457–469.
Nelson, C. E. (1999). On the persistence of unicorns: The trade-off between content and critical
thinking revisited. In B. A. Pescosolido & R. Aminzade (Eds.), The social worlds of higher
education: Handbook for teaching in a new century (pp. 168–184). Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge
Parrenas, R. S. (2008). The force of domesticity: Filipina migrants and globalization. New York:
New York University Press.
Roitman, J. (2013). Anti-crisis. Durham: Duke.
Rose, G. (2001). Visual methodologies: An introduction to the onterpretation of visual materials.
Rosin, H. (2010). The end of men. The Atlantic Monthly. http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/
archive/2010/07/the-end-of-men/308135/. Accessed 20 Sept 2012.
Rosin, H. (2012). The end of men: And the rise of women. New York: Penguin.
Solomon-Godeau, A. (1997). Male trouble: A crisis in representation. New York: Thames and
Thompson, D. (2009). It’s not just a recession: It’s a mancession! The Atlantic. http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2009/07/its-not-just-a-recession-its-a-mancession/20991/.
Accessed 28 Jan 2015.
Turner, B. S. (2008). The body and society: Explorations in social theory (3rd ed.). London: Sage.