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5 Overcoming the “Paranoia of Choice” Discourse in the Classroom

5 Overcoming the “Paranoia of Choice” Discourse in the Classroom

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means “letting go of many of your basic assumptions about people, bodies, and

desires “(2012, p. 27). By dropping these preconceived notions students can lean

towards genders and sexualities that are not simply fixed, but more fluid and temporary. Granting students permission to “go gaga,” is especially beneficial when confronted with the larger social structure of heteronormativity that I discuss next.

Heteronormativity, which plagues the larger social structure and social institutions, largely remains unexamined. As feminist theorist Stevi Jackson notes with

regard to choice rhetoric and sexuality: “… I consider it risky to assume that any

aspect of sexuality or gender is innate, since this can entail placing aspects of our

gendered and sexual practices beyond critique” (2005, p. 18). And because heterosexuality is considered a default or “not a choice” position, non-straights who

attempt to describe their identity by using “choice” language are considered abject

in a society that emphasizes heterosexuality as naturally occurring. By investigating

how a heteronormative social structure impacts how les/bi/gays and straight identities, I explain how the “paranoia of choice” continues to prop up heterosexuality as

the only socially “legitimate” sexual identity.

What I call “paranoia of choice” is at the crux of not only this paper but also the

current state of LGBT politics in the United States. “Choosing” one’s sexual identity is not consistent with the current doxa of Western understandings of sexual

identity. Hanne Blank (2012) writes that the very limited number of sexual orientations from which one identifies with is simply an artifact of the social world.

Halperin echoed this in his breakthrough article “Is There a History of Sexuality?”

where he posited that, “sexuality is not a somatic fact; it is a cultural effect” (1989,

p. 257). Somatic fact or not, these kinds of statements have not given geneticists and

scientists pause for finding differences between the heterosexual and nonheterosexual body. It is cultural knowledge that geneticists have been trying to

locate a “gay gene” and “gay hormones” since the Human Genome Project commenced in 1990. Even with its official ending in 2003, the pursuit for the “gay gene”

continues (“Human Genome Project” 2013).

As I reviewed in the previous section neither the marked “gay” nor the unmarked

“straight” gene, hormone(s) or brain has been found. However, this Sisyphean quest

continues. Most sex researchers accept and reify the sexual orientation categories of

“heterosexual” and “homosexual” regardless of the sexual variance research subjects’ show. Moreover, the privileged position that biology, neuroscience and the

like hold in Western society makes the body the primary (and sometimes only)

tableau for finding evidence for “heterosexual” and “homosexual” selves. As long

as biological paradigms continue to dominate the knowledge hierarchy, alternate

forms of understanding sexual orientation will continue to lack validity.

In order to better frame this “paranoia of choice” I have found it helpful to ask

students when and how we use “choice” language is other discourses. Most students

are able to point out that “choice” language is celebrated when Westerners argue for

free-speech rights, reproductive rights, voting rights, etc. but when it comes to sexual identity “choice” language is somehow not appropriate. Democratic language is

apparently not meant for talking about one’s sexual orientation.



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Perhaps what is most troubling to the student in the sex and gender classroom is

that many who eschew “choice” discourse are gay activists themselves, including

many who run nationally recognized LGBT organizations like the Human Rights

Campaign (HRC) and the National Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender

Taskforce. I have students investigate the sort of language these organizations use

when talking about sexual orientation to their membership base by investigating the

organizations’ website and written literature. It is not surprising that students find

arguments rooted in biological essentialism or the natural because biological arguments are key to the campaigns of some les-bi-gay organizations; they uphold the

idea that les-bi-gay folks “pose no threat to the heterosexual majority” (Jackson

2005, p. 16). For example, The Human Rights Campaign’s Resource Guide to

Coming Out notes in bold type (and all caps) that “Your sexual or gender identity is

not a choice. It chooses you” A few paragraphs down, the pamphlet tells it readers,

“Being Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual or Transgender is Natural” (“A Resource Guide to

Coming Out,” 2014). This is just one of many organizations that rely on a “paranoia

of choice” paradigm that discourages anything that is not believed to be innate or

natural.

Outside of national organizations like the HRC, gay advocates and bloggers like

John Aravoisis, writing for “AMERICAblog” reacted harshly to Sex and the City

star Cynthia Nixon when she posited that her bisexuality was a “choice.” After her

announcement he wrote: “If you like both flavors, men and women, you’re bisexual,

you’re not gay, so please don’t tell people that you are gay, and that gay people can

‘choose’ their sexual orientation, i.e., will it out of nowhere. Because they can’t.”

Aravoisis goes on to say, “Every religious right hatemonger is now going to quote

this woman [Nixon] every single time they want to deny us our civil rights”

(Aravoisis 2012). While I don’t dismiss Aravoisis’ fears that hate mongers will use

Nixon’s comments to support reasons gay and lesbian (and bisexual) folks shouldn’t

have civil rights, the larger question is: “Should we promote dogmatic either/or

tropes to discuss sexual orientation because hate mongers will vilify us or do we

attempt to instead present cultural facts about queer folks regardless of how hatemongers react?”

Sexuality researchers like Lisa Diamond (2008) rightly notes that there is no

other topic in sexuality research that infuriates more than that of choice or change

in one’s sexual orientation (2008). And while Diamond sees sexual orientation as

something that cannot be changed she is willing to advocate that folks should be

able to determine their sexual lives regardless of who might be the current hatemonger: “… plenty of inborn traits are viewed as highly undesirable, so why should the

notion of social orientations as a biological trait make it more socially acceptable?…

After all, the common view of race and ethnicity as inborn traits has not eroded racism” (2008, p. 138).

For those of us, especially our students who have been faced with bias—whether

due to a combination of race, ethnicity, gender, age or sexuality—many would point

out that hatemongering will continue regardless of the language one chooses to talk

about outsider identities. Moreover, the task of the social scientist is to look at social

and cultural facts (and artifacts) and present their effect on society, not avoid these



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facts in order to spare what Aravoisis and others see as a way to dissuade civil

rights. Civil rights will be denied to those of us who do not follow hegemonic ideals

regardless of whether or not we think something is a choice. The idea is that civil

rights will not be afforded to groups who “choose” their disadvantage in society.

But as sex researcher John D’Emilio suggests: “Do we really expect to bid for real

power from a position of ‘I can’t help it?’” (1992, p. 187). Must we use the essentialist, “not a choice” trope that will at best provide a minority-status in a sociopolitical climate that continues to buttress heterosexual privilege on the backs of

les-bi-gay politics? Or instead, as Whisman posits: “What about … the recognition

that living as sexual outlaws is what unites us, not a shared and essential identity”

(1996, p. 124).

An example of uniting under the banner of “sexual outlaws” is the “Beyond

Same-Sex Marriage” (2006) statement signed by some of the most prominent U.S.

and International queer theorists and activists and the Against Equality (AE)

(Conrad 2014) group that has collectively published essays on why gay marriage

does little for equality since marriage, itself, perpetuates power imbalances. The

signatories of the “Beyond Same-Sex Marriage” call for a new strategic plan to

LGBT organizing that does not limit it to the securing of same-sex marriage rights,

but broadens the goal to varying family relationships that exist outside of a twoperson marriage.

In order to juxtapose ideas from so-called “sexual outlaws” students should also

be aware of the stance that major lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgender organizations in

the United States have on the “born this way” trope. This sort of informal research

can easily be undertaken in beginner or intermediate undergraduate classroom. I

have successfully employed informal research with first and second-year students in

September 2012 and again in September 2014. Students conducted informal analysis of major LGBT organizations (The National Gay and Lesbian Task Force,

Lambda Legal, GLAAD (formerly the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation),

and PFLAG (formerly Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays), and

found that all warn against the statement that sexual orientation is a “choice.” As an

exemplar of this practice Lambda Legal cautioned against using the world “choice”

because it might prop up reparative therapy campaigns even though the American

Psychological Association denounced reparative therapy in August 2009 (APA

Task Force). No doubt are these major organizations influenced by the essentialist

or biological position on one’s sexual orientation as they more easily fit the civil

rights model of social movements that rely on a “born this way” trope.



2.6



Conclusion



Certainly, the cultural creation of knowledge by the early sexologists has not been

abandoned. It is part of our common nomenclature that heterosexuality exists and

by default so too does homosexuality. Today, research ranging from neuroimaging

to the length of one’s fingers is at the crux of “discovering” our true sexuality.



24



A.D. Miller



While this sort of research persists, we also know that studies of nervous systems

between heterosexual and non-heterosexual folks have shown no significant differences (Blank 2012). Geneticists on the hunt for the “straight” and “gay” gene have

also had no conclusive results. Obviously the dizzyingly amount of research that

exists in an attempt to find evidence of homosexuality is critical to Western societies. Like most minority-politics, we need to discover who is “out” so we can prop

up who is “in.” The fact remains (at least thus far) that sexual orientation does not

appear to have a significant correlation to the physical body (Blank 2012; Fine

2011). What these lack of findings suggests is not that there is no biological component to sexual orientation, but that sociologists have more to offer about sexual

identity or orientation as an organizing agent in society. So while the geneticists,

endocrinologists, and neurologists continue to seek their answers to finding sexual

orientation within the body, social scientists need to not only problematize this

approach but do their own looking—into the social interactions, social institutions

and ultimately, the power relations in Western society.

Not only do the categories exist, but also we believe as a society that we know

how to fill them—and what better way to fill the categories than with those ideas

that seem to be rooted in nature. Invoking nature or the natural is so pleasing, copacetic even, because it does not involve further question or inquiry—it “just is” and

heterosexuality or homosexuality can exist without humans really having to do

much. The secret is that no one really knows conclusively whether heterosexuality

is the result of nature or nurture—most likely it is some combination of both and

then some.

I have proposed here that the future of discourse in the sex and gender classroom

must move away from the essentialist origin stories that attempt to explain women

and men’s sexual orientation as primarily a product of nature or biology. Lady

Gaga’s anthem, “Born this Way,” may be empowering on some level, but at what

cost? If students are willing to unravel the “gender knot” (Johnson 2014) then why

not equip them with similar tools to unravel what sexual orientation might look like

outside of “born this way,” essentialist tropes? Perhaps this is where “gaga feminism” comes in: “[to be] the fly in the ointment, the wrench in the machinery …

Halberstam 2012, p. 141). I want to give students more than a tribute to being “on

the right track” because they were “born this way.” Will we be shoved “off the

track” if our DNA cannot prove our sexuality? What if the neuroimaging scans and

the DNA analysis give us a result we do not wish for? Will heterosexuals be willing

to submit DNA samples for testing? Perhaps my fear is not merely that we will be

pushed of “off the track,” but that we will be run over by a train that is speeding up

to find biological answers to social questions. Let’s go gaga instead!



References

APA Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation. (2009). Report of

the task force on appropriate therapeutic responses to sexual orientation. Washington, DC:

American Psychological Association.



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Aravosis, J. (2012). Actress Cynthia Nixon says being gay is a choice. And she’s wrong.

AMERICAblog. http://americablog.com/2012/01/actress-cynthia-nixon-says-being-gay-is-achoice-and-shes-wrong.html. Accessed 12 Dec 2014.

Ault, A. (1996). Ambiguous identity in an unambiguous sex/gender structure: The case of bisexual

women. The Sociological Quarterly, 37(3), 449–463.

Beyond Marriage. (2006). Beyond same-sex marriage: A new strategic vision for all our families

& relationships. Resource document. http://www.beyondmarriage.org. Accessed 5 Aug 2012.

Blank, H. (2012). Straight: The surprisingly short history of heterosexuality. Boston: Beacon

Press.

Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that matter: On the discursive limits of “sex”. Oxford: Routledge.

Conrad, R. (2014). Against equality: Queer revolution not mere inclusion. Oakland: AK Press.

D’Emillo, J. (1992). Making trouble: Essays on gay history, politics, and the university. New York:

Routledge.

Diamond, L. (2008). Sexual fluidity: Understanding women’s love and desire. Cambridge, MA:

Harvard University Press.

Fine, C. (2011). Delusions of gender: How our minds, society, and neurosexism create difference.

New York: W. W. Norton & Company.

France, D. (2007, June 25). The science of gaydar: If sexual orientation is biological, are the traits

that make people seem gay innate, too? The new research on everything from voice pitch to

hair whorl. New York Magazine.

Garfinkel, H. (1967). Studies in ethnomethodology. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall.

Halberstam, J. J. (2012). Gaga feminism: Sex, gender, and the end of normal. Boston: Beacon.

Halperin, D. M. (1989). Is there a history of sexuality? History and Theory, 28(3), 257–274.

Hemmings, C. (2002). Bisexual spaces: A geography of sexuality and gender. New York:

Routledge.

Human Rights Campaign Foundation. (2014). Resource document. A resource guide to coming

out. http://www.hrc.org/resources/entry/resource-guide-to-coming-out. Accessed 12 Dec 2014.

Jackson, S. (2005). Sexuality, heterosexuality and gender hierarchy: Getting our priorities straight.

In C. Ingraham (Ed.), Thinking straight: The power, the promise, and the paradox of heterosexuality (pp. 15–38). New York: Routledge.

Johnson, A. (2014). The gender knot: Unraveling our patriarchal legacy. Philadelphia: Temple

University Press.

Kessler, S. J., & McKenna, W. (1978). Gender: An ethnomethodological approach. Chicago:

University of Chicago Press.

Lady Gaga. (2011). Born this way. Abbey Road Studios.

Lorber, J. (1994). Paradoxes of gender. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Lorber, J. (1996). Beyond the binaries: Depolarizing the categories of sex, sexuality, and gender.

Sociological Inquiry, 66(2), 143–159.

National Human Genome Research Institute. (2013). Human genome project. Resource document.

http://report.nih.gov/NIHfactsheets/ViewFactSheet.aspx?csid=45&key=H#H. Accessed 5 Jan

2015.

Rubin, G. (1975). The traffic in women: Notes on the ‘political economy’ of sex. In R. Reiter (Ed.),

Toward an anthropology of women (pp. 157–210). New York: Monthly Review Press.

Seidman, S. (2009). The social construction of sexuality. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

Tiefer, L. (2004). Sex is not a natural act & other essays. Boulder: Westview Press.

Whisman, V. (1996). Queer by choice: Lesbians, gay men, and the politics of identity. New York:

Routledge.



Chapter 3



Performances of Pronouns: Using Feminist

Post-structuralism to Explore the Social

Construction of Gender

Alison Happel-Parkins



“But there are real differences between men and women. That

is a scientific fact.”

“Look at how little kids play with each other and what toys they

prefer! You can’t argue with biology.”

“Being a woman makes me a better teacher. My maternal drive

is strong and I love working with kids. I know it’s something I

was born with.”



3.1



Introduction



As a feminist professor within a College of Education, I hear the above arguments,

with slightly different iterations and variations, every semester. Essentialized conceptualizations of sex and gender abound in the United States, and they are especially present in my current cultural, historical, and political context: I teach in a

city, Memphis, Tennessee, which is located in what is often referred to either pejoratively or fondly as the ‘Bible Belt,’ and our city struggles with histories that are

alive in the present, histories of structural classism, sexism, racism, and heterosexism. I teach qualitative research courses; in these courses, we study a variety of

macro theories that are used within qualitative research. Although we critique

essentialized understandings of gender throughout the semester, these essentialized

understandings are most directly challenged during the weeks we engage with feminist poststructuralism. In what follows, I begin with a brief description of some

important poststructural concepts that feminist scholars and theorists have used to

deconstruct sex and gender. After discussing each concept, I explain how I use this

concept to challenge commonsensical and essentialized understandings of sex and

gender in our class discussions. The chapter concludes with an exploration of Judith



A. Happel-Parkins (*)

Counseling, Educational Psychology and Research,

University of Memphis, Memphis, TN, USA

e-mail: ahappel717@gmail.com

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016

K. Haltinner, R. Pilgeram (eds.), Teaching Gender and Sex

in Contemporary America, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-30364-2_3



27



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A. Happel-Parkins



Butler’s ideas about gender performance and how her work can be used to open up

spaces of resistance and possibility within the higher education classroom.



3.2



Feminist Poststructuralism: Discourse, Language,

and Subjectivity



The potent pleasures for feminists in poststructural deconstructive work lies in the potential

for finding the means to undo sedimented truths through which they might otherwise be

held captive. (Gannon and Davies 2012, p. 76)



Poststructuralism has been accused of being elitist and therefore irrelevant because

of the complexity of some of its main ideas (Gannon and Davies 2012; St. Pierre

2000; St. Pierre and Pillow 2000) and because of its seeming lack of concern with

the material realities of people’s lives. The entanglements of feminism and poststructuralism have served to address some of these critiques. Elizabeth A. St. Pierre

(2000), a preeminent feminist poststructuralist working within the disciplines of

Education and Qualitative Research, challenges these accusations in her provocative article, “Poststructural Feminism in Education: An Overview.” The “taking up”

of poststructuralism by feminists has led to a conceptualization of how poststructuralism can have material effects for women and other marginalized groups. Because

of its comprehensiveness, I assign St. Pierre’s article at the beginning of each qualitative research course that I teach, and her text is the primary point of reference I use

during our discussions of poststructuralism.



3.2.1



Discourse



Discourse is an important concept within feminist poststructuralism. Sara Mills

(2004) examines how Foucault employs the idea. First, and most generally, discourse is all spoken words, statements, or texts which have some sort of effects on

the world. Second, Foucault points to the importance of regulation and coherence.

Discourse is comprised of “groups of utterances which seem to be regulated in some

way and which seem to have a coherence and a force to them in common” (Mills

2004, p. 6). Finally, as Mills (2004) explains, Foucault articulates that he is less

concerned with the content of the actual utterances, and more concerned with “the

rules and structures which produce particular utterances and texts” (p. 6). These

explanations of discourse point to the ways in which discourse operates in the world,

and they point to how different Truth regimes are socially and historically produced.

There is no one dominant discourse, although there are discourses that are more and

less powerful, depending on the social, historical, and political context. The concept

of discourse is important because it allows for feminists to trace different explanations for historical or current theories, ideas, actions, or practices. The focus of

discourse analysis is on exploring how ideas are formed and propagated, and how



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these ideas shape different aspects of society. As St. Pierre (2000) explains,

“Foucault’s theory of discourse illustrates how language gathers itself together

according to socially constructed rules and regularities that allow certain statements

to be made and not others” (p. 485). Similarly, Britzman (2000) asserts that “discourses authorize what can and cannot be said” (p. 36) and performed, I would add.

Once a particular discourse has become normal, or entered into popular ideas of

common sense, it is difficult to act or even think outside of the discourse (St. Pierre

2000).

After discussing poststructural conceptualizations of discourse, I ask my students to brainstorm about powerful discourses that they see operating within their

own lives, as well as within our larger cultural context. We discuss poststructuralism’s skepticism of grand narratives of Truth, which happens when certain powerful discourses become commonsensical and normalized. In these discussions, I

often use the example of our culture’s oftentimes blind adherence to science, leading to what some feminist poststructuralists call scientism (Lather 2007; St. Pierre

and Roulston 2006). Since many of my students work within K-12 education, our

critiques of scientism as it relates to standardized testing, accountability, and ‘best

practices’ often give students a language through which to understand and voice

their frustration with current national education policies and practices. Students

often come up with additional examples that start to critique other grand narratives

surrounding race, gender, religion, etc. Using sex and gender as an example, we

start to conduct a genealogy of how our current beliefs and understandings about

gender have come to be understood as grand narratives that supposedly reflect an

essential and monolithic Truth. First, I ask them to describe how sex and gender are

understood within our current context. Inevitably, they provide essentialized

descriptions of sex and gender, Next, I ask them to consider which other discourses

lead to the strengthening of essentialized understandings of gender and sex. This

often leads to a discussion of the influence of religion, history, science, and economics on our understandings about gender ideals and expectations. Then, following Britzman (2000), I ask them how the strength of these dominant discourses

“authorize what can and cannot be said” and done (p. 36). We discuss questions

such as: How are our understandings and enactments of gender constrained by the

dominant, essentialized understandings of sex and gender? When have you felt constrained or policed because of gendered discourses? I encourage students to share

stories of when they felt policed in some ways, and how they see society policing

children’s enactments of gender. As a class, we discuss examples from the news,

from popular culture, and from our contexts within public schools or our places of

work. We also explore, in a Foucauldian sense, how outward policing becomes a

continuous practice which we internalize, so that said policing becomes naturalized

and seemingly innate.1 Finally, I ask them to come up with examples of different

cultures and/or historical contexts within which different discourses about sex and

gender dominated. How was gender understood and enacted in these contexts?

1

Bartky refers to this as the “panoptical male connoisseur” (1988, p. 72) when she explores this

phenomenon in women in Western cultures.



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A. Happel-Parkins



What does this mean for our current understandings and practices of gender? These

discussions often lead to students understanding and acting differently in their

worlds. Students often describe a shift in how they understand themselves, and how

they interact with others. For example, one student, who is both a mom and a public

school teacher, told our class that she began to critique how others teachers reified

essentialized understandings of gender differences after our conversations about

poststructuralism, sex, and gender. She told us that she no longer felt comfortable

taking part in these conversations, and she had begun to intervene on these conversations because of what we had been learning in our course. The other teachers were

open and interested in her new perspective, and a series of provocative conversations ensued. Critiquing commonsensical grand narratives, and shifting our understandings of them from one of Truth to one of discourse, allows students to see their

socially constructed (and therefore contested) nature. This allows us to theorize the

making, and the consequent ability for us to re-make, of normative understandings

and practices of categories such as gender.



3.2.2



Language and Subjectivity



Closely related to poststructural understandings of discourse is the importance and

deconstruction of language. Often referred to as the ‘linguistic turn,’ within poststructuralism, language is understood as being constitutive and not merely descriptive. Said differently, language constructs reality, it does not merely reflect or

describe a pre-existing reality. One of the ways in which language constructs and

codifies reality is by our utilization of master binaries (St. Pierre 2000). Binaries and

binary thinking lead to either/or thinking and, as many feminists have explained,

binaries are inevitably hierarchized (Plumwood 1993, 2002; St. Pierre 2000).

As has been illustrated, discourses, in direct and indirect ways, influence how

individuals exist in the world. Similarly, language shapes both how we think and

how we act because of its constitutive nature. The poststructural understandings of

discourse and language are therefore directly linked to subjectivity, which is another

concept that we discuss in class. As St. Pierre and Pillow (2000) explain, feminist

poststructuralism continues to “trouble the subject of humanism—the rational, conscious, stable, unified, knowing individual” (p. 6). Rather than seeing the subject as

free, active, rational, and individual, poststructuralism instead points to the construction of the subject, and insists that the subject is constituted in and through

discourse. As Gannon and Davies (2012) suggest, as subjects, we are “always

already constituted within discourse” (p. 73). We are subjects of, and subjected to,

discursive webs, and these webs work on and in us, influencing desire, rationality,

and what we believe can and cannot be said/thought/done/enacted (Foucault 2000).

This shifts discussions of “choice” and “free will.” Poststructuralism does not conceptualize the idea of “choice” as meaningless; rather, it points to the constraints

around the idea of “choice” by locating ideas and actions within discursive webs.

Instead of thinking of the subject as individual and autonomous, poststructuralists



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31



attempt to locate how subjects are situated in particular discourses, how they are

both subjects of, and subjected to, particular discourses (Foucault 2000). These discursive webs influence how subjects are able to perform and interact (or not) in their

worlds. As St. Pierre (2000) explains, poststructuralism opens up the subject to the

possibility of “continual reconstruction and reconfiguration” (p. 502). The poststructural understanding of the subject points to the often contradictory ways in

which subjects are constituted. This is done by calling attention to the fragmentary

and fluid nature of subjectivity, and by refusing to narrate the subject as linear,

rational, whole, or as the “origin” of thought and action.

If we understand subjectivity in a poststructural sense, critiquing and challenging gender roles and expectations is not as easy as merely making different decisions or acting in different ways. People are caught in webs of discourse, and, as

mentioned above, they are both subjects of, and subjected to, various discursive

regimes (Foucault 2000). A move away from understanding the individual as agentic and in possession of free will allows students to conceptualize subjectivity as

relational and contingent. It also creates space for students to consider what it would

mean to produce themselves differently, to take up different discourses for different

productions of the self. The idea that we have a core, essentialized self is challenged, which opens up space for multiplicity and different iterations of the self. I

ask students to consider who they might be if they started telling different stories of

themselves. If we no longer believe in an inner, essential core, how else might we

be able exist? Which discourses have they thought were off limits? What might happen if they were able to reconstitute themselves in different discursive formations?



3.3



Poststructuralism in the Higher Education Classroom



In order to facilitate the class’s deconstruction of their own subject formations

through an analysis of discourse and language, I ask the class to create a list of master binaries that are utilized in our current social, political, and cultural context.

They work in small groups, and they reference the St. Pierre (2000) reading while

they construct their lists. We share our lists with each other, and we discuss similarities and differences. Inevitably, male/female is a binary that each group lists, and,

as a class, we think with theory (Jackson and Mazzei 2012), namely poststructuralism’s skepticism of grand narratives and hierarchized binaries, in order to deconstruct the ways in which this particular binary is maintained and deployed in our

individual lives, as well as collectively. I ask them to do a quick-write about how

they understand that binary functioning in their lives. I also ask them to first do a

thought experiment, and then to conduct a real, embodied experiment. What happens if we refuse the binary? Said differently, what if we disrupt the male/female or

man/woman binary? How could we enact gender differently in our own lives, and

what would be the implications, reactions, and (mis)understandings of these

actions? I encourage students, in the week after our discussions of poststructuralism, to disrupt certain gendered actions and performances in their daily lives,



32



A. Happel-Parkins



keeping a journal of what they did, how it made them feel, and how others reacted

to their performances. I then ask them to share these journals in the next week of

class, and the student, along with the rest of the class, theorizes his/her experiences

using the theory we have discussed in class. One powerful example that a student

shared involved how he actively challenged heteronormative masculinity by accompanying his child to a traditionally mom-only space. He spent time with his child in

this space, and attempted to socialize with the other moms. This student shared how

freeing it was for him to openly challenge the gendered expectations put on him

about what it means to be a man, father, and caretaker, and, although he felt judged

and policed by some of the women, he felt empowered and fulfilled by his open

disruption of gendered expectations and practices. This same student challenged

himself to talk openly with his child about his emotions and feelings and, while at

first uncomfortable, he was able to connect with his child in different ways while

challenging his own beliefs about masculinity. Another student journaled about how

she was treated by others in public when she began to dress and act more androgynously. Until she began to experiment with her performances of gender, she had not

realized how differentially people are treated based on gender conformity. She felt

judged and ostracized, at times violently, by others. She began to see how sex and

gender binaries function in her own life, and how they are policed and regulated by

others.

Finally, to help my students further conceptualize the embodied implications of

poststructural understandings of discourse, language, and subjectivity, I share with

them Judith Butler’s understandings of sex, gender, and gender performance. The

material effects and embodied realities of gender discourses, binary language, and

constructed and contingent subjectivities are exemplified in Butler’s conceptualizations of gender performance. Her theories help my students begin to understanding

how poststructural ideas and understandings can be seen in our everyday existences.

In what follows, I explore the main components of Butler’s discussion of gender

performance, and I elaborate on how I encourage students to interact with her ideas.



3.4



The Creation of the Natural: Gender Imitation

and Performance



Butler makes a number of claims about sex and gender which inform her thinking

about gender performance. Her first suggestion is that the binary of sex and gender

needs to be broken down and re-examined. She claims that we to need recognize the

social construction of not just binary gender categories, but also binary sex categories. “An account of gender must not merely assume that it is the cultural inscription

of meaning on a pre-given sex” (Gilbert 2007, p. 130). Gender should not be understood as a cultural interpretation of a biological fact; rather, the binary categories of

male/female must be understood as socially and historically situated. Although she

does not dismiss the various differences in biology that are present, she believes that



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